The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was regarded as among the most influential incumbents of that position in American history. Although countless vice-presidents were confined to peripheral or ceremonial positions, Cheney held enormous sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently described as the "true president".
Bush resented that description and stated the connection was more nuanced. He noted that Cheney was respectful, always referring to him in public settings as Mr President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their partnership as a team because it indicated that they were equals. In spite of these denials, Cheney found the easygoing president malleable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of neo-conservatives that encompassed military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a session at a elementary school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the destruction of any unidentified airplanes nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney said the strikes altered his perspective, leading him to become intent on retribution. Along with other neo-cons, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Actions
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the waterboarding of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on faulty intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It was the correct action to do at that time. I had faith at the time and I believe it presently."
But even then, there were opposing views at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, at the very least," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, inaction, and unaccountability: in the worst case, deception, ineptitude, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had composed a memo setting out circumstances in which American interests might be compromised (featuring "access to essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be positioned to take unilateral action when joint efforts cannot be arranged," explicitly mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush additionally had entered the presidency generally inclined on carrying out what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a scheme to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a likeness of his predecessor's visage that each person had to tread upon.
Interrogation Methods
But it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken behind striking Iraq, repeatedly citing agency briefings that were whether insubstantial or entirely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush administration indirectly described as "enhanced interrogation", the use of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had resulted from the torture, Cheney dismissed the findings as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and put in place procedures to apprehend the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed monikers imposed on him by critics such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that nobody ever sees emerge from his lair? It's a effective way to operate, in fact."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his corporate affiliations pursued him throughout his time as vice-president. Even though he had limited background in business but good contacts in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest energy corporations, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US agreements totaling multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his period at the corporation rose from his $258,394 during his time as Pentagon chief to over four million. When he left in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling more than $20m|twenty
